Category: national

  • Theater Today

    I attended the final production of Manual Cinema’s The 4th Witch this past weekend, and was elated at the outset.

    I had forgotten how thrilling live performance can be. I unfortunately had sufficient time throughout the rest of the performance to contemplate the relative absence of theater in my life.

    Its presence dramatically diminished once I left a theater awards organization. For eight years, I had been a theater judge, and was seeing more than one hundred, and sometimes more than two hundred, different productions each year.

    I left the organization as a result of its lack of professionalism, and its resistance to professional development, and its leaders’ lack of integrity and ethics. I was also was concerned about the amount of time that I was spending at less than noteworthy productions, which were hours of our lives another judge reminded me that we’d never get back.

    For the first year or two, I resumed my theater subscriptions, which meant that I was attending fifteen to twenty performances a year. That effectively reduced my attendance rate, which allowed more space and time for other activities, but inadvertently increased the costs, which now included money. A single theater subscription, which could include four, five, or six performances, could cost several hundred dollars a season even for preview performances or midday matinees.

    These increased costs I admit could have highlighted the diminished quality, or could have made it more salient. Such a trend had been evident when I was still a theater judge, especially after the pandemic when theaters rushed to respond to the loudest calls for a more woke world.

    Such calls could have been coming from those who were first to return to theaters, or the ones who most often attended shows. Regardless, these calls seemed to pressure theaters into featuring the same systemic racism themes that had a long presence even before the 2020 “We See You, White American Theater” missive.

    Theater as the most synthetic of art forms has a tradition of featuring such themes, and pushing social and artistic boundaries. Such a tradition is evident in the United States, as illustrated for example in August Wilson’s call for tradition and change, and even here in Chicago, which has made numerous contributions to theater both across the United States and around the world.

    Post-pandemic American theater however seemed more concerned about placating patrons, and in so doing became too timid. Too often, snapping, and easy laughs, rippled across too many darkened theaters in response to one intellectually and emotionally insulting scene after another.

    Most theaters, or at least the ones I had long been attending, seemed to reinforce mainstream liberal mentalities, and to refuse to reckon with the never-been-woke realities of too many social justice initiatives. So I stopped subscribing.

    I still cannot rationalize these costs, especially now that I’m retired. Maybe I wondered this weekend I never will.

    The challenge confronting theaters is to some extent understandable, and a perpetual question in debates about the economics of art. Realistic answers require a careful balance of finances and function.

    Regardless, American theater could confront the political economies of theater today, and rebalance its approach in ways that don’t compromise accessibility and affordability and challenge and change. To this end, Chicago again offers ideas, such as the Hull House approach or the little theater movement in the early twentieth century or the little theater movement soon thereafter to the storefront tradition in the late twentieth- and early twenty-first centuries.

    These and other approaches offer accessible and accountable art, ones that theaters here in Chicago and elsewhere would be wise to consider. And these could mean more thrilling theater for me too.

  • The Bigger Political Problem

    Each day seems to bring more alarming news about the current Trump administration.

    Recent reports offer more details about Trump’s Board of Peace proposal, which he announced last week, for conflict in Gaza. Among others are the one billion dollars permanent member fee, his permanent appointment as its leader, and the inclusion of the Russian leader who continues to attack Ukraine.

    The American people also learned last week that the DOJ is investigating the widow of Renee Good, who was killed by federal officers conducting potentially illegal detentions in a large American city. This investigation and others, such as the governor of that state and the mayor of that city, have led to the resignations of federal prosecutors there and elsewhere.

    We also learned last week that the same DOJ is investigating the Fed Board Chairman in an attempt to exert control over interest rates ahead of an upcoming election. Even this possibility according to many, such as bank CEOs, could have negative economic consequences.

    These are just several of the latest offenses committed by the current American presidential administration, and the American president who campaigned against global entanglements for example and prosecutorial politicization, which he criticized in others. Since then, his administration has made gaslighting into an art form.

    The damage to American democracy alarms many both in the United States and around the world, including some who wonder whether some might be permanent. The greater concern in my opinion is the legitimization of this president by our fellow Americans.

    These 2024 election voters aren’t the majority of Americans. Only sixty-four percent voted, and less than fifty percent of these voted for Trump. Nonetheless, these people, and their concerns and the conditions that generated these, will persist long after this administration is gone.

    Their concerns and conditions should also alarm, and need to be acknowledged and addressed by, anyone who cares about democracy. Otherwise, we risk misunderstanding the interest and goals of our fellow Americans, and returning to these destructive conditions in the future.

    Such a response needn’t entail authorizing their actions or even endorsing their concerns. Rather, it can recognize these while challenging underlying assumptions or foundational principles, and offering alternative perspectives. Still, it must include explicit recognition if the damage is to be repaired and a better future is to be constructed.

    Part of this process will obviously include rebuilding trust. That will be challenging enough when it involves the federal, state, and perhaps even local governments. For me, it will be even more so when it pertains to my fellow Americans.

    This obligation according to some might be greater for those who legitimized this political and social destruction, which makes sense. At the same time, the greater good might require us to meet them halfway no matter how righteous our distrust might be if only to prioritize the future of our nation over political or personal grievance.

    Such an approach is one I’m hoping to hear from anyone who wants my vote, and wants to lead us, in the future.

  • Ample Abundance

    Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson (2025) in their recent co-authored book offer an assessment of and an alternative for the American political state of affairs.

    Klein and Thompson criticize both Republicans and Democrats for different and similar reasons. Conservatives for example cannot acknowledge the limits of markets for example and call for small government while embracing large policies. Liberals for instance privilege process over outcomes and embrace political solutions but reject these for their own communities.

    Both more importantly misunderstand the economy and endorse scarcity. A better approach they argue is less concerned with the size of government or the politics of identity and more with capacity and outcomes, and assumes abundance.

    This underlying assumption arises from their observations that substantial changes have slowed and that big ideas are harder to generate. These and other conditions they suggest reflects a general failure to build, invent, and even dream of solutions, which lie at the center of their abundance approach.

    Their perspective as some have noted (e.g., Kazis 2025 or Teachout 2025) is short on specifics. However, such a criticism misunderstands the purpose of this book, which is to critique conventionally liberal perspective, and the larger context in which this exists.

    In this more limited goal, their book seems sufficient. Such an opinion seems validated by others who have used their account to organize regional and national events. Its usefulness even extends to politicians elsewhere, which is an additional endorsement.

    Anything that attempts in other words to account for the sclerotic political present and offer an alternative, and hopeful, future is enough return on the time invested in reading it.